{"id":28175,"date":"2011-02-23T12:41:00","date_gmt":"2011-02-23T12:41:00","guid":{"rendered":""},"modified":"2020-09-25T09:49:45","modified_gmt":"2020-09-25T09:49:45","slug":"neorealismul-institutional-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rubyskynews.com\/index.php\/2011\/02\/23\/neorealismul-institutional-2\/","title":{"rendered":"Neorealismul Institu\u0163ional (func\u0163ionalismul structural) Kenneth Waltz \u015fi Teoria Rela\u0163ilor Interna\u0163ionale."},"content":{"rendered":"
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\n\u00cen cadrul acestei orient\u0103ri teoretice, cu mai multe \u015fcoli fundamentale, se acord\u0103 o importan\u0163\u0103 cu totul excep\u0163ional factorului economic \u00een evolu\u0163ia rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale. \u00cen disciplina teoria rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale, aceast\u0103 orientare poart\u0103 diferite denumiri \u00een func\u0163ie de autorii care abordeaz\u0103 problematica \u00een cauz\u0103 : \u201cneorealismul\u201d; \u201d neorealismul institu\u0163ional\u201d;\u201d neorealismul sistemic\u201d; \u201cfunc\u0163ionalism structural\u201d, \u201cteorie dinamic\u0103 a sistemului mondial\u201d sau \u201cteoria globalist\u0103 \u201d.<\/span>Reprezentan\u0163ii de seam\u0103 ai acestei teorii consider\u0103 axiomatic c\u0103 toate sistemele sociale au, \u00eentre altele, un subsistem politic \u00een care un rol central \u00eel joac\u0103 problema conducerii. \u201c\u015ecolile\u201d acestei orient\u0103ri se concentreaz\u0103 asupra schimb\u0103rii ciclice a hegemoniei \u00een sistemul mondial<\/a> de state, introduc\u00e2nd conceptul de \u201cmare putere hegemonic\u0103\u201d. Acest stat, hegemonic, impune ordine \u00een rela\u0163iile interna\u0163ionale f\u0103r\u0103 a recurge la cuceriri, exercit\u00e2nd o conducere \u201cbenign\u0103\u201d a sistemului. Logica implicit\u0103 acestei orient\u0103ri teoretice impune ca sistemul mondial s\u0103 aib\u0103 un lider \u015fi, \u00een consecin\u0163\u0103, s\u0103 existe un mecanism de selec\u0163ie a acestuia.<\/span><\/div>\n

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\nO tr\u0103s\u0103tura definitorie a acestui curent, este introducerea \u00een investiga\u0163ie a datelor rezultate din evolu\u0163ia sistemului mondial de state de la sf\u00e2r\u015fitul evului mediu, a\u015fadar pe o perioad\u0103 de aproape o jum\u0103tate de mileniu. <\/span><\/div>\n

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\nKenneth Waltz \u015fi Teoria politicii interna\u0163ionale<\/span><\/b>. <\/span><\/div>\n

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\nDac\u0103 exist\u0103 vreo lucrare \u00een domeniul disciplinei rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale, care s\u0103 poat\u0103 fi comparat\u0103 cu \u201cPolitics Among Nations\u201d de Morgenthau, atunci conform lui Stefano Guzzini, aceasta este \u201cTheory of International Politics\u201d a lui Kenneth Waltz.<\/span><\/div>\n

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\n Morgenthau a avut un rol paradigmatic \u00een instituirea unei discipline autonome a rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale. Waltz a avut acela\u015fi statut pentru ap\u0103rarea independen\u0163ei disciplinei, care fusese amenin\u0163at\u0103 datorit\u0103 poten\u0163ialei pr\u0103bu\u015firi a grani\u0163elor sale \u015fi a exploziei programelor sale de cercetare. Teoria lui Kenneth Waltz se bazeaz\u0103 pe o serie de dihotomii, reminiscen\u0163\u0103 a disputei realism- idealism, dar, de\u015fi a f\u0103cut tot ce a putut pentru a-i corecta pe ace\u015fti reali\u015fti care \u015fi-au men\u0163inut teoretiz\u0103rile c\u00e2t mai aproape de practica diplomatic\u0103 (Aron, Hoffmann, Kissinger), propria sa perspectiv\u0103 \u015ftiin\u0163ific\u0103 nu reu\u015fe\u015fte s\u0103 dep\u0103\u015feasc\u0103 dificult\u0103\u0163ile de care s-a lovit Kissinger. Cu toate acestea el \u015fi-a propus s\u0103 \u00eenlocuiasc\u0103 g\u00e2ndirea realist\u0103 cu o teorie solid\u0103 neorealist\u0103.<\/span><\/div>\n

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\nWaltz a prezentat, \u00een 1959, cele trei imagini clasice care stau la baza \u00een\u0163elegerii r\u0103zboiului: r\u0103zboiul \u00ee\u015fi are originea fie \u00een natura uman\u0103, fie \u00een tipul regimului din interiorul statului, fie \u00een caracteristicile sistemului interna\u0163ional. El era adeptul celei de-a treia imagini, cea interna\u0163ional\u0103, iar \u00een 1979 a revenit asupra acestei convingeri.<\/span><\/div>\n

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\nDisciplina se eliberase de prima imagine, care prezenta natura uman\u0103 ca surs\u0103 a r\u0103zboiului. De aceea Waltz \u015fi-a concentrat atacurile asupra acelor teorii din disciplina rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale care se bazeaz\u0103 pe a doua imagine, adic\u0103 acele teorii care pun la baza \u00een\u0163elegerii cauzelor r\u0103zboiului, \u015fi \u00een general ale evenimentelor, interna\u0163ionale atributele statului. <\/span><\/div>\n

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\nWaltz define\u015fte o structur\u0103 prin trei caracteristici principale. Prima, un sistem este fie ierarhic . Ceea ce distinge \u00een mod paradigmatic sistemul interna\u0163ional de alte sisteme \u015fi ceea ce confer\u0103 acestei structuri interna\u0163ionale for\u0163\u0103 cauzal\u0103 este caracterul s\u0103u anarhic.<\/span><\/div>\n

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\nA doua caracteristic\u0103, din moment ce sistemul interna\u0163ional este anarhic, fiecare stat trebuie s\u0103 aib\u0103 singur grij\u0103 de toate func\u0163iile sale esen\u0163iale : nu exist\u0103 o diviziune a muncii \u00een cadrul sistemului mondial al guvern\u0103rii. Astfel spus, func\u0163iile sunt diferen\u0163iate doar \u00een cadrul sistemelor ierarhice, cum sunt statele, dar nu \u015fi \u00een sistemul interna\u0163ional.<\/span><\/div>\n

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\nA treia caracteristic\u0103 pentru analiza interna\u0163ional\u0103 actual\u0103 este faptul c\u0103 o structur\u0103 este definit\u0103 de distribu\u0163ia capacit\u0103\u0163ilor \u00eentre unit\u0103\u0163ile sale. Astfel, sistemele urmeaz\u0103 s\u0103 fie diferen\u0163iate dup\u0103 num\u0103rul polilor puterii \u00eentre care are loc competi\u0163ia interna\u0163ionl\u0103. <\/span><\/div>\n

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\nPunctul \u00een care neorealismul difer\u0103 de realism este metodologia \u015fi concep\u0163ia despre sine. Cu toate c\u0103 \u00een 1959, Waltz \u015fi-a expus punctul de vedere \u00eentr-o discu\u0163ie filozofic\u0103, dou\u0103zeci de ani mai t\u00e2rziu acelea\u015fi idei sunt derivate dintr-o defini\u0163ie a sistemului interna\u0163ional modelat\u0103 dup\u0103 concep\u0163ia neoclasic\u0103 a pie\u0163ei economice. \u00cenc\u0103 o dat\u0103, a treia imagine ia inten\u0163ionat o turnur\u0103 \u015ftiin\u0163ific\u0103, de data aceasta referindu-se la modelul economic. <\/span><\/div>\n

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\n\u00cen teoria rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale, una dintre problemele importante este aceea dac\u0103 a\u015fa \u2013 numitul neorealism structural al lui Waltz este \u00eentr-adev\u0103r legat de un model individualist, ceea ce a provocat o disput\u0103 major\u0103 \u00eentre diferi\u0163i anali\u015fti (Hollis \u015fi Smith versus Ashley \u015fi Wendt).<\/span><\/div>\n

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\nDac\u0103 structuralismul este definit la nivel de cauzalitate, atunci partea sistemic\u0103 a teoriei neoclasice ar putea fi numit\u0103 structuralist\u0103, de\u015fi structura mai degrab\u0103 limiteaz\u0103 ac\u0163iunile posibile dec\u00e2t cauzeaz\u0103 \u00een mod direct comportamentul. Totu\u015fi dinamica acestei structuri este rezultatul neinten\u0163ionat al ac\u0163iunilor individuale, \u015fi nu a regulilor sistemice. P\u00e2n\u0103 la urm\u0103, anarhie \u00eenseamn\u0103, \u00een accep\u0163iunea lui Waltz, exact faptul c\u0103 nu exist\u0103 nimic deasupra statelor .<\/span><\/div>\n

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\n\u00cen acest fel, sistemul nu este \u00een mod necesar mai mult dec\u00e2t suma p\u0103r\u0163ilor sale. Altfel spus, p\u0103r\u0103sind modelul func\u0163ionalist \u00een favoarea modelului de echilibru al pie\u0163ei, teoria este la baz\u0103 individualist\u0103, nu holistic\u0103. Din moment ce structuralismul \u015fi holismul sunt termeni folosi\u0163i adesea unul \u00een locul celuilalt, este mai bine, probabil, s\u0103 ne referim la Waltz ca la un realist sistemic \u015fi nu structural.<\/span><\/div>\n

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\nContribu\u0163ia definitorie a neorealismului este folosirea sistematic\u0103 a economiei ca model explicativ pentru disciplina rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale. Aceasta \u00eenseamn\u0103 c\u0103 Waltz s-a folosit at\u00e2t de teoria pie\u0163ei, c\u00e2t \u015fi de modelul actorului ra\u0163ional, uzual \u00een abordarea bazat\u0103 pe teoria jocurilor \u015fi \u00een cea mai mare parte a literaturii consacrate regimurilor. Din acest motiv \u00een ultima perioad\u0103 au fost integrate idei din g\u00e2ndirea reali\u015ftilor tradi\u0163ionali \u015fi a liberalilor. <\/span><\/div>\n

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\nWaltz consider\u0103 c\u0103 scopul fundamental al statelor nu este maximizarea puterii, ci realizarea sau maximizarea securit\u0103\u0163ii. Cu toate acestea el afirm\u0103 c\u0103 : \u201cStatele, sau cei care ac\u0163ioneaz\u0103 \u00een numele lor, \u00eencearc\u0103 \u00een moduri mai mult sau mai pu\u0163in adecvate s\u0103 se foloseasc\u0103 de mijloacele disponibile pentru <\/span><\/div>\n

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\na-\u015fi atinge \u0163elurile propuse . Aceste mijloace se \u00eempart \u00een dou\u0103 categorii : eforturi interne (de a cre\u015fte capacitatea economic\u0103, de a spori for\u0163a militar\u0103, de a dezvolta strategii potrivite) \u015fi eforturi externe ( de \u00eent\u0103rire sau l\u0103rgire a propriilor alian\u0163e sau de sl\u0103bire \u015fi \u00eengr\u0103dire a alian\u0163elor potrivnice)\u201d . Aceasta \u00eenseamn\u0103 c\u0103 sporirea puterii este \u00eentr-adev\u0103r doar un mijloc, \u00een vederea altor scopuri, dar un mijloc inevitabil. Teoria sa asupra balan\u0163ei puterii este derivat\u0103 din motiva\u0163iile (securitatea) \u015fi ac\u0163iunile (\u00eembun\u0103t\u0103\u0163irea pozi\u0163iei din punct de vedere al puterii) asumate . Dinamismul economiilor de pia\u0163\u0103 provine \u00een parte din dorin\u0163a actorilor de a-\u015fi \u00eembun\u0103t\u0103\u0163ii pozi\u0163ia \u015fi de a trage foloase fie \u015fi doar temporar, de pe urma distrugerii monopolului. <\/span><\/div>\n

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\n \u00cen vreme ce economia neoliberal\u0103 \u015fi analogia cu pia\u0163\u0103 presupun economiile de pia\u0163\u0103 \u00een care exist\u0103 moned\u0103, rela\u0163iile de putere sunt comparabile, \u00een cel mai bun caz, cu rela\u0163iile de schimb \u00een natur\u0103. Cu alte cuvinte, faptul c\u0103 rela\u0163iile interna\u0163ionale nu pot prelua cadrele neoclasice de analiz\u0103, se datoreaz\u0103 unor probleme conceptuale, care provin din aceea c\u0103 disciplina rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale nu a reu\u015fit s\u0103 dezvolte un schimb comparabil cu cel din economie, \u015fi nu din \u00eencetineala intelectual\u0103 sau cercet\u0103rilor din acest domeniu. <\/span><\/div>\n

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\n Analogia neoclasic\u0103 cu pia\u0163a pe care o propune Waltz nu a adus nici o contribu\u0163ie la problema tradi\u0163ional\u0103 a transform\u0103rii studiului practicilor realiste \u00eentr-un discurs \u015ftiin\u0163ific \u015fi \u00eentr-o teorie predictiv\u0103. \u00centr-adev\u0103r, diferen\u0163a esen\u0163ial\u0103 dintre schimbul economic \u015fi cel politic submineaz\u0103 bazele acestei analogii, pe care se \u00eentemeiaz\u0103 neorealismul s\u0103u.<\/span><\/div>\n

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\n Lucrarea \u201cTeory of International Politcs\u201d a oferit o mult dorit\u0103 limitare a agendei de cercetare \u00een explozie \u015fi o binevenit\u0103 legitimitate a disciplinei rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale. La fel de important\u0103 a fost \u015fi \u00eencercarea de a distinge politica interna\u0163ional\u0103 de celelalte sectoare ale sistemului interna\u0163ional.<\/span><\/div>\n

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\n Kenneth Waltz a propus o defini\u0163ie a sistemului politic interna\u0163ional centrat\u0103 pe stat . \u201cStructurile interna\u0163ionale se definesc pe baza unit\u0103\u0163ilor politice fundamentale dintr-o epoc\u0103, fie c\u0103 sunt ora\u015fe \u2013 stat, imperii sau na\u0163iuni \u201d. Astfel c\u0103, \u00een opinia sa, \u00een prezent nu exist\u0103 o alt\u0103 unitate politic\u0103 ( interna\u0163ional\u0103) esen\u0163ial\u0103 \u00een afar\u0103 de stat. \u015ei invers, structura sistemului politic interna\u0163ional este definit\u0103 prin ceea ce fac statele (de aceea r\u0103zboiul \u015fi diploma\u0163ia sunt manifest\u0103rile centrale ale politicii interna\u0163ionale) <\/span><\/div>\n

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\n <\/span><\/div>\n

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\n\u201c\u015ecoala\u201d lui Robert Gilpin : stabilitatea hegemonic\u0103 <\/span><\/b><\/div>\n

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\nPremisele teoretice ale acestei \u201c\u015fcoli\u201d reprezint\u0103 \u201cun set de supozi\u0163ii \u201c privind comportamentul statelor \u00een arena interna\u0163ional\u0103. Conform acestora : \u201c1. Un sistem interna\u0163ional este stabil (adic\u0103 \u00een stare de echilibru) dac\u0103 nici un stat nu consider\u0103 profitabil s\u0103 \u00eencerce schimbarea sistemului ; 2. Un stat va \u00eencerca s\u0103 schimbe sistemul interna\u0163ional, dac\u0103 se a\u015fteapt\u0103 ca beneficiile s\u0103 dep\u0103\u015feasc\u0103 costurile unei astfel de tentative (dac\u0103 exist\u0103 un c\u00e2\u015ftig net a\u015fteptat); 3. Un stat va c\u0103uta s\u0103 schimbe sistemul interna\u0163ional prin expansiune teritorial\u0103, politic\u0103 sau economic\u0103, atunci c\u00e2nd costurile marginale ale schimb\u0103rii urm\u0103rile sunt egale cu\/sau mai mari dec\u00e2t beneficiile marginale; 4. Odat\u0103 ce echilibrul dintre costuri \u015fi beneficii \u00een schimbarea urm\u0103rit\u0103 este atins, tendin\u0163a este ca aceste costuri economice, necesare men\u0163inerii, statu-quo-ului, s\u0103 creasc\u0103 mai rapid dec\u00e2t capacitatea economic\u0103 de a men\u0163ine statu-quo-ul; 5. Dac\u0103 dezechilibrul \u00een sistemul interna\u0163ional nu este rezolvat, atunci sistemul va fi schimbat \u015fi se va stabilit un nou echilibru, care va reflecta redistribuirea de putere\u201d <\/span><\/div>\n

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\n Conform \u201c\u015fcolii\u201d lui Robert Gilpin, elementul regulator al dezechilibrului sistemului mondial de state, mecanismul care asigur\u0103 schimbarea a fost de-a lungul istoriei r\u0103zboiul (\u201cr\u0103zboiul hegemonic\u201d conform exprim\u0103rii sale). Acest mijloc hot\u0103r\u0103\u015fte care stat (sau dup\u0103 caz state) va fi dominant \u015fi va conduce sistemul. \u201cAranjamentele de pace, care urmeaz\u0103 unei asemenea lupte hegemonice, reordoneaz\u0103 bazele politice, teritoriale \u015fi de alt\u0103 natur\u0103 ale sistemului. Astfel, ciclul schimb\u0103rii este completat cu acest r\u0103zboi hegemonic, iar acordul de pace care urmeaz\u0103 creeaz\u0103 un nou statu-quo \u015fi echilibru, reflect\u00e2nd redistribuirea puterii \u00een sistem \u015fi alte componente ale acestuia \u201c <\/span><\/div>\n

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\n Analiz\u00e2nd datele oferite de teoria rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale \u015fi materialul istoric brut, Gilpin apreciaz\u0103 c\u0103 p\u00e2n\u0103 la pacea de la Westphalia (1648), politica mondial\u0103 a fost caracterizat\u0103 de ascensiunea \u015fi declinul marilor imperii, fiecare organiz\u00e2nd sistemul interna\u0163ional respectiv. Principalele mecanisme regulatoare ale sistemului interna\u0163ional, \u00een aceast\u0103 \u201cer\u0103 imperial\u0103\u201d, au fost controlul teritorial \u015fi sferele de influen\u0163\u0103, iar elementul determinant al succesiunii de imperii a fost forma\u0163iunea social\u0103 bizuit\u0103 pe agricultur\u0103.<\/span><\/div>\n

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\n Modelul pr\u0103bu\u015firii unui imperiu, \u00een aceast\u0103 er\u0103, a fost cel al cuceririi de barbari, posibil\u0103 c\u00e2nd ace\u015ftia din urm\u0103 au fost capabili s\u0103 dep\u0103\u015feasc\u0103, din punct de vedere militar, \u201cstatul \u0163int\u0103\u201d. Ascensiunea \u015fi pr\u0103bu\u015firea imperiilor sunt procese guvernate \u00een chip esen\u0163ial de tendin\u0163a ca povara cheltuielilor militare s\u0103 creasc\u0103 ne\u00eentrerupt \u015fi de faptul c\u0103 sacrificiile financiare sunt dep\u0103\u015fite de costul celor mai sofisticate armamente ale epocii.<\/span><\/div>\n

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\n Pentru ca un imperiu s\u0103 supravie\u0163uiasc\u0103 era absolut necesar ca surplusul economic s\u0103 creasc\u0103 mai repede dec\u00e2t costul r\u0103zboaielor purtate \u00eempotriva inamicilor. Ceea ce, \u00eentr-o epoc\u0103 de cre\u015ftere economic\u0103 lent\u0103, este imposibil de sus\u0163inut o lung\u0103 durat\u0103 de timp. Surplusul economic poate s\u0103 sporeasc\u0103 prin cuceriri teritoriale, dar, cu timpul, o astfel de extensie adaug\u0103 noi poveri financiare, ceea ce oblig\u0103 imperiul s\u0103 se fragmenteze ori s\u0103-\u015fi reduc\u0103 controlul teritorial \u015fi deci, costurile. Dac\u0103 imperiul nu reu\u015fe\u015fte s\u0103 stabileasc\u0103 un echilibru \u00eentre costuri \u015fi resurse, el intr\u0103 \u00een declin \u015fi \u00een faza pr\u0103bu\u015firii inductabile \u015fi astfel se declan\u015feaz\u0103 un nou ciclu imperial \u201d <\/span><\/div>\n

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\n Dup\u0103 pacea de la Westphalia, Gilpin apreciaz\u0103 c\u0103 \u201cciclul imperial\u201d a fost \u00eenlocuit de sistemul \u201cbalan\u0163ei de putere\u201d din Europa \u015fi apoi, \u00een secolele urm\u0103toare, de o succesiune de hegemonii. Dramatica schimbare a fost determinat\u0103 de trei elemente str\u00e2ns legate \u00eentre ele : triumful statului na\u0163ional ; apari\u0163ia posibilit\u0103\u0163ii unei cre\u015fteri economice sus\u0163inute, bazate pe \u015ftiin\u0163\u0103 \u015fi tehnologia modern\u0103 ; expansiunea pie\u0163ei economice mondiale.<\/span><\/div>\n

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\n Conform lui Gilpin, \u00een perioada modern\u0103, dou\u0103 hegemonii au fost concludente : cea britanic\u0103, \u00een secolul al XIX \u2013 lea \u015fi, apoi, cea american\u0103, \u00een secolul urm\u0103tor . Procesul de dezechilibru \u00een sistemul mondial apare, \u00een aceast\u0103 er\u0103 a hegemoniilor, atunci c\u00e2nd statul hegemon se afl\u0103 \u00een mare dificultate \u00een men\u0163inerea suprema\u0163iei \u015fi \u00een oprirea declinului propriu. Acest stat experimenteaz\u0103 o criz\u0103 fiscal\u0103 deosebit de sever\u0103, iar difuziunea \u00een sistem a avantajelor lui de ordin economic, tehnologic ori organiza\u0163ional sprijin\u0103 ridicarea competitorilor. \u00cen timp, deosebirea \u00eentre ratele de cre\u015ftere economic\u0103 ale hegemonului \u00een declin \u015fi statele \u00een expansiune determin\u0103 o redistribu\u0163ie decisiv\u0103 de putere \u015fi apari\u0163ia dezechilibrului.<\/span><\/div>\n

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\n R\u0103zboiul hegemonic are rolul de a corecta acest dezechilibru din cadrul sistemului . \u00cencheierea r\u0103zboiului hegemonic este, \u00een fapt, \u00eenceputul unui nou ciclu de cre\u015ftere, expansiune \u015fi declin ale noii (noilor) puteri hegemonice. Legea dezvolt\u0103rii inegale determin\u0103 o continu\u0103 distribu\u0163ie de putere \u015fi, \u00een consecin\u0163\u0103, succesiunea ciclurilor hegemonice. \u201cA fost totdeauna astfel \u015fi va fi mereu, p\u00e2n\u0103 ce omenirea se va distruge singur\u0103 ori va \u00eenv\u0103\u0163a s\u0103 dezvolte un mecanism eficient de schimbare pa\u015fnic\u0103\u201d <\/span><\/div>\n

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\n <\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n\u015ecoala lui George Modelski<\/span><\/b>, cunoscut\u0103 \u015fi sub denumirea de modelul \u201cleadership \u2013ului mondial\u201d. Conform acestei \u201c\u015fcoli\u201d, anarhia din sistemul mondial de state determin\u0103 perioade de ierarhizare strict\u0103 a actorilor \u015fi \u201c conducere hegemonic\u0103\u201d sau \u201c conducere mondial\u0103\u201d.<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n Statele hegemone sunt recrutate din r\u00e2ndul puterilor maritime, iar competitorii lor sunt \u00eendeob\u015fte \u0163\u0103ri terestre. \u00cen acest model, r\u0103zboaiele mondiale se declan\u015feaz\u0103 atunci c\u00e2nd capacit\u0103\u0163ile competitorilor la hegemonie sunt tot mai inegal distribuite, cre\u00e2ndu-se astfel dezechilibrul sistemului mondial.<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n Puterile hegemonice impun ordine \u00een sistem, f\u0103r\u0103 a recurge la cuceriri. C\u00e2nd izbucnesc r\u0103zboaiele hegemonice \u2013 r\u0103zboaiele mondiale sau globale, ele sunt destinate s\u0103 asigure rolul de conduc\u0103tor al sistemului . \u201cCauzele structurale ale unui r\u0103zboi global – arat\u0103 Modelski \u2013 \u0163in de pr\u0103bu\u015firea economic\u0103 consecin\u0163ele trebuie s\u0103 fie epocale \u015fi impun apari\u0163ia unei noi conduceri . Istoria politicii \u015fi r\u0103zboaielor moderne ofer\u0103 eviden\u0163a precis\u0103 privind aceast\u0103 tr\u0103s\u0103tur\u0103 \u201d <\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n Acest model a opera\u0163ionalizat datele oferite de istorie \u00een ultimii aproape 500 de ani (a publicat, spre exemplu, un anuar al capacit\u0103\u0163ilor maritime ale principalelor puteri pentru perioada 1493 \u2013 1993, a \u201cstr\u00e2ns\u201d eviden\u0163a privind performan\u0163ele marilor puteri \u00een principalele sectoare, la \u201ct\u0103ria\u201d armatelor terestre, ca indicator al capacit\u0103\u0163ii competitorilor puterilor maritime).<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n Rezultatele str\u00e2nse de \u201c\u015fcoala\u201d lui G.Modelski pot fi rezumate astfel : dup\u0103 fiecare perioad\u0103 de r\u0103zboi global va apare un stat hegemon care de\u0163ine mai mult de jum\u0103tate din capacit\u0103\u0163ile mondiale navale ; cu excep\u0163ia Spaniei, \u00een timpul perioadei de r\u0103zboi global (1580-1608) nici un alt stat, \u00een afar\u0103 de liderul care se va impune, nu va avea preponderen\u0163\u0103 naval\u0103 \u00een cursul r\u0103zboiului ; nici un alt stat nu va dob\u00e2ndi superioritatea naval\u0103 \u00een intervalul dintre r\u0103zboaiele globale ; indicele concentr\u0103rii capacit\u0103\u0163ilor navale la nivelul mondial atinge limita maxim\u0103 dup\u0103 fiecare perioad\u0103 de r\u0103zboi global, apoi \u00eencepe s\u0103 descreasc\u0103 .<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n\u00cen urma acestor rezultate, G.Modelski a alc\u0103tuit urm\u0103torul tabel privind \u201cciclul secular\u201d al schimb\u0103rilor la hegemonia mondial\u0103 :<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\nCiclul R\u0103zboi global Preponderen\u0163\u0103 Declin<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n <\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n1495-1580 1494-1516 Portugalia (1516-1540) 1540-1580<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n1580-1688 1580-1609 Olanda (1609-1640) 1640-1688<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n1688-1792 1688-1713 Anglia (1714-1740) 1740-1792<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n1792-1914 1792-1815 Anglia (1815-1840) 1850-1914<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n1914 1914-1945 SUA (1945-1973) 1973- <\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n <\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\nCu toate elementele noi pe care le aduce \u00een sprijinul definirii disciplinei teoriei rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale, \u015fi acest curent hegemonic cu toate \u201c\u015fcolile\u201d aferente este supus criticii .<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\nPe de o parte, al\u0163i speciali\u015fti eviden\u0163iaz\u0103 c\u0103 nu doar r\u0103zboiul hegemonic ori global poate juca rolul mecanismului regulator al succesiunii hegemonice, ci c\u0103 ac\u0163iunea institu\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale poate asigura o tranzi\u0163ie pa\u015fnic\u0103 .<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\n\u00centrebarea care se pune este \u00een ce m\u0103sur\u0103 orientarea func\u0163ionalismului structural poate oferi \u201cuneltele\u201d pentru a efectua predic\u0163ia \u00een domeniul rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale ? Un r\u0103spuns exact nu este simplu. Pe de o parte, ciclurile seculare hegemonice instrumentate de aceast\u0103 orientare teoretic\u0103 sunt susceptibile criticii, dar ele corespund materialului brut oferit de istorie \u00een ultimele c\u00e2teva secole. A\u015fadar, ofer\u0103 piste de c\u0103utare de valoare pentru descifrarea viitorului.<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\nPe de alt\u0103 parte, a\u015fa cum o demonstreaz\u0103 \u015fi literatura circumscris\u0103, aplicarea la \u201cistorie\u201d a determinat nu doar decelarea ciclurilor hegemonice seculare amintite \u2013 care, dealtfel, fuseser\u0103 \u00eentrev\u0103zute de geopoliticianul Mackinder, la \u00eenceputul secolului XX \u2013 dar \u015fi \u201cdepist\u0103ri\u201d stranii, adic\u0103 necorespunz\u0103toare realit\u0103\u0163ii. De exemplu, Portugalia, \u015fi nu Spania, este deta\u015fat\u0103 \u00een hegemon, de\u015fi prima a fost \u201c\u00eenghi\u0163it\u0103\u201d de secunda ; sau Anglia este apreciat\u0103 ca hegemon, \u00eentr-o perioad\u0103 \u00een care era \u00een urma Fran\u0163ei ca putere (1714-1740).<\/span><\/div>\n

<\/p>\n

\nMai r\u0103m\u00e2ne de amintit, a\u015fa cum au relevat criticii acestei orient\u0103ri, c\u0103, dat\u0103 fiind sorgintea ei american\u0103, teoria , ca atare, este poate \u015fi expresia unui \u201cetnocentrism cultural\u201d, a dorin\u0163ei de a demonstra c\u0103 \u201cdomina\u0163ia\u201d este mai degrab\u0103 \u201cconducere\u201d, dec\u00e2t \u201cexploatare\u201d. <\/span><\/div>\n
<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u00cen cadrul acestei orient\u0103ri teoretice, cu mai multe \u015fcoli fundamentale, se acord\u0103 o importan\u0163\u0103 cu totul excep\u0163ional factorului economic \u00een evolu\u0163ia rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale. \u00cen disciplina teoria rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale, aceast\u0103 orientare poart\u0103 diferite denumiri \u00een func\u0163ie de autorii care abordeaz\u0103 problematica \u00een cauz\u0103 : \u201cneorealismul\u201d; \u201d neorealismul institu\u0163ional\u201d;\u201d neorealismul sistemic\u201d; \u201cfunc\u0163ionalism structural\u201d, \u201cteorie dinamic\u0103 a sistemului […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"yoast_head":"\nNeorealismul Institu\u0163ional (func\u0163ionalismul structural) Kenneth Waltz \u015fi Teoria Rela\u0163ilor Interna\u0163ionale. - Jobs\/ Internships\/ Scholarships\/<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/rubyskynews.com\/index.php\/2011\/02\/23\/neorealismul-institutional-2\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Neorealismul Institu\u0163ional (func\u0163ionalismul structural) Kenneth Waltz \u015fi Teoria Rela\u0163ilor Interna\u0163ionale. - Jobs\/ Internships\/ Scholarships\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"\u00cen cadrul acestei orient\u0103ri teoretice, cu mai multe \u015fcoli fundamentale, se acord\u0103 o importan\u0163\u0103 cu totul excep\u0163ional factorului economic \u00een evolu\u0163ia rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale. \u00cen disciplina teoria rela\u0163iilor interna\u0163ionale, aceast\u0103 orientare poart\u0103 diferite denumiri \u00een func\u0163ie de autorii care abordeaz\u0103 problematica \u00een cauz\u0103 : \u201cneorealismul\u201d; 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